AND Editorial: Mossad Prepares a New Imperialist Offensive Against Iran

We hereby share an unofficial translation of an editorial published by A Nova Democracia (AND).

The major unrest that erupted and spread across all 31 provinces of Iran is a complex phenomenon that requires attention. On the one hand, large numbers of people joined together, motivated by fundamental economic demands that the regime was unable to meet due to economic sanctions and its semi-colonial, semi-feudal economy, and this was the spontaneous nature of the protests at the outset. on the other hand, these protests were quickly hijacked and politically directed by Iran’s internal reactionary forces opposed to the regime, linked to the Persian bourgeoisie, completely subservient and acting as a fifth column for the Zionist entity and its espionage apparatus, such as Mossad. These two aspects are at the root of the severity of the actions against the Ayatollahs’ regime in Iran today.

It would not be possible for the reactionary opponents of the Iranian regime to lead a spontaneous, mass movement characterized by a high degree of violence in a country that is largely united against Zionism and Yankee imperialism without a high level of organization and clandestine centralization that only entities with extensive experience in provoking large-scale mass disturbances would be capable of operating within. Judging by the level of weaponry and organization of some of the irregular units operating among the protesters, it is naive to assume that this is an internal crisis; 100 police officers have already been killed, a surprising number when considering protests. There is, in fact, a strong centralized external organization operating within the spontaneous movement, giving it political direction and operational capabilities typical of military commands: it is the Mossad, which is being widely denounced by the Iranian regime. This agency of counterrevolutionary killers and saboteurs operates in Iran in a recognized manner: in September 2025, Mossad chief David Barnea declared at a public ceremony that “the Mossad has very strong operational capabilities, even more creative and powerful than before, especially within Iran and even in the heart of Tehran”; Other Zionist “authorities” have admitted that Mossad is active in the current situation, although they deny any intention of overthrowing the regime.

Mr. Reza Pahlavi, former heir to the Shah dynasty, proclaims himself leader of the unrest, and in doing so, once again demonstrates the hand of Mossad. The Shah regime, let us remember, was the first to recognize the Zionist entity in the region in the 1950s, betraying the Arab and Muslim peoples in general; more than that: monarchical Iran, before the 1979 Revolution, acted as a bulwark for Zionism against Arab countries. The Mossad itself structured the Shah regime’s secret police, the SAVAK, in Iran, trained its agents, and decisively influenced the doctrine, espionage techniques, and counterintelligence of this group, of which Mr. Reza Pahlavi claims to be the heir. This individual is nothing more than a Mossad agent, whether on the payroll or not, and the unrest he claims to “lead” is under the direct control, at least for the most part, of Mossad cells on Iranian territory.

In this sense, the spontaneous aspect, which was temporarily predominant at the beginning of the protests when fundamental economic demands were being made, becomes secondary when the protests turn into pro-Yankee riots. The nature of the phenomenon changes completely. The riots are part of Yankee and Zionist plans to destabilize the country, in order to put the regime on the defensive and divide it so as to better collapse it in the next offensives of the “low-intensity war,” and in the best-case scenario (for the aggressors), plunge it into a civil war right away, the content of which would be imperialist aggression by proxy. Therefore, from the point of view of the anti-imperialist struggle, a possible change of government in Iran, resulting from this process and even more so in the absence of a minimally existing proletarian force fighting for the leadership of the mass movement and the realization of a revolutionary strategy, would only serve the interests of Yankee imperialism and Zionism as a step forward in isolating the armed struggle of national resistance in Palestine and throughout the so-called Greater Middle East.

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The participation of a considerable contingent of masses in the unrest is due to the maneuvers and counter-maneuvers of internal counterrevolutionaries, a handful of marginalized sectors within the ruling classes, linked internally to the deposed monarchy and externally to the Mossad and the Yankee CIA. And within this, the economic sanctions of Yankee imperialism play a key role.

The semi-colonial Iranian economy develops as a bureaucratic capitalism tied to financial capital, with relative industrialization, but strongly subordinated to and dominated by imperialist capital; it is an economy focused on the outside, not the inside. The sanctions, by interrupting the normal conditions for the circulation of Iranian primary goods—oil, in short—act as a complementary element to the war of aggression that is preparing for new offensives, creating all the conditions to exacerbate the nation’s internal conflicts.

Oil production and exports historically accounted for about 65.5% of government revenue and 57% of total exports in 2024. The sanctions hit this trade hard: they cover in a multifaceted way any enterprise that trades with Iran in the US, including threatening to exclude it from the “financial market,” and now apply 25% tariffs to any country that trades with Iran. In December 2025, Iran’s oil production fell by about 100,000 barrels per day (bpd) due to new sanctions imposed by the Great Satan, contributing to the decline in total production. The country’s currency, the Iranian rial, suffered a drastic devaluation, with exchange rates reaching 1.4 million Iranian rials per dollar in 2026. Inflation skyrocketed as a cumulative effect of currency devaluation and trade restrictions and sanctions against the Iranian steel industry: 48.6% in October 2025, year-on-year (according to the Statistical Center of Iran). All of this puts even more pressure on import costs and the price of basic commodities. According to the World Bank, Iran’s GDP is projected to decline: a drop of -1.7% in 2025 and an expected -2.8% in 2026. For this reason, official Iranian sources estimate that approximately 33% of the population lives below the poverty line.

It was under these conditions that the protests began. The masses took to the streets, and they cannot be blamed for this: it is the regime, which is confronting imperialism, that is responsible for rigorously defining the fundamental policies to maintain the anti-imperialist unity of the nation and neutralize all aggressive attempts to divide it, since it has taken it upon itself to lead the national cause. It is the responsibility of the Iranian regime to apply democracy in the economic sphere (improving the living conditions of the masses through a program that focuses on urban wage earners, peasants, and small landowners), the political sphere (freedom for all anti-imperialist classes, groups, and forces), and the military sphere (general arming of the masses organized for the anti-imperialist struggle), to ensure the unification of all the people against the aggressor, completely isolating its conspiratorial and subversive initiatives to a handful of national traitors – which, at this moment, is not the case, since one cannot assume that in Iran, a country of brave anti-imperialist people, there are hundreds of thousands of convicted national traitors. Due to its class limitations, on the one hand, and the fact that imperialist aggression has not developed on an even larger scale, on the other, the regime has been unable to prevent the exploitation of mass discontent because it has been unable to guarantee the full anti-imperialist unity of the Iranian nation.

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The most solid and firm anti-imperialist unity in the country requires proletarian leadership in the anti-imperialist front, which, by supporting revolutionary transformations (economic, political, and cultural) for the benefit of the proletariat, the peasantry, and the small and medium bourgeoisie (national bourgeoisie), is capable of thoroughly implementing democracy in the economic, political, and military spheres, winning over the broad masses to the national cause, and isolating pro-imperialist traitors. Only the implementation of a program of new democracy can consistently guarantee, under any conditions, anti-imperialist unity and national resistance in the event of aggression. The Iranian regime, although it supports regional anti-imperialist forces in the current circumstances, including for its own survival, is vulnerable to the maneuvers of the aggressors because it is not yet willing to thoroughly implement the indispensable democratic measures internally at this stage, when the aggression has not yet reached irreversible levels.

Thus, the Mossad’s success in co-opting and converting the initial protests of the Iranian masses into riots in the service of the imperialist aggressors was already as a possibility, determined by the fact that the Iranian regime is not a proletarian regime and by the fact that the political leadership of the anti-imperialist front is not a proletarian leadership, in addition to the fact that the Iranian regime is not yet in a state of aggression such that certain proletarian criteria are imperative for the survival of the national cause. It is up to true democrats, proletarian revolutionaries, and internationalists to raise a strong anti-imperialist cry against the feverish preparations of the Mossad and the Yankee CIA for a new military offensive against the Iranian nation. It is necessary to unmask and combat imperialist interference and interventionism in Iran, spreading the program of anti-imperialist resistance in the Middle East, but knowing that the anti-imperialist cause, consistent in all the vicissitudes of the struggle, requires proletarian revolutionary leadership to take it to new and definitive heights.