AND Editorial – The grunt of a wounded beast of death
We publish an unofficial translation of the latest Editorial by A Nova Democracia.
It is known that every beast, mortally wounded, fights with all violence as a last resort to conjure up the outcome of its final blow by the opponent. In the historical-universal sense, imperialism is condemned, in particular Yankee imperialism in decline, that has entered due to its condition as the hegemonic and sole superpower, which is why Donald Trump – a figure that by historical coincidence expresses the phase of terminal crisis of the system – launches so many nonsense and warmongering provocations.
His latest, which will make the Gaza Strip a resort without Palestinians, is pathetic: to do so, he would have to tempt fate, put his boots on the ground and face the guerrillas of Palestinian national resistance. His imperialist arrogance, however the babbling he presents, does not hide reality: imperialism was shamefully expelled from Afghanistan not even five years ago, in a scene that reminds the humiliating defeat in Vietnam. In the heroic Palestine, Yankee imperialism only served to flourish the Palestinian resistance, as well as a further factor to unify as one, the million masses of Palestinians and anti-imperialist Arab masses, to precipitate a great anti-imperialist uprising, appropriate for the new time of revolutions that is entering world history.
The decision center of Yankee imperialism would not make such a childish mistake, being so easy to avoid: Trump’s words are only to light chauvinism, determine rivals, and intimidate the masses of the people.
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The proposition of the new president of the Chamber of Deputies, Hugo Motta, regarding the possibility of semi-presidentialism or semi-parlamentarism is one more proof of the bankruptcy of the current political system and portrait of how weak the government is. As an executive power, it is representative: the key function of the presidency, which is to approve the budget, in particular the discretionary, is in a large portion delegated to the National Congress. Now, if the legislature already fulfills a partial function of executive power, why not formalize it? – This is the logic of Hugo Motta.
With or without formal semi-presidentialism, it is about this, and one more step should be taken: the ministry responsible for political articulation, or for the management of parliamentary amendments, is being negotiated between Luiz Inacio and Arthur Lira. It will be granted, as an executive function, what Arthur Lira has done in the last two years, including illegal (or semilegal) forms, since the PIX or “secret budget” amendments (Translator’s Note: Amendments to Transfer Federal Resources to States and Municipalities), although illegal, were abundantly used.
Now, let’s look at the paradox: with a sharp drop in popularity since December 2023, Luiz Inacio needs to recover, so that he will make interesting programs electorally. These cost money. The money is also disputed by the big landlord “centrão” and the financial oligarchy. The first uses it to carry out regional and local policy in the form of parliamentary amendments, which reproduce the coronelist electoral enclaves and the purchase of political power – a social base from which emanates the political and ideological weight of the far right. The financial oligarchy, in turn, uses as a guarantee of kidnapping of the treasury to reach the maximum profit with eternal and priceless public debt. Here is the crossroads: If it does not satisfy the “centrão”, it will explode the political crisis of “governability” by which they expect both far-right and coupists, so that a process of total surrender of the government or its deposition would quickly be discontinued. If you do not satisfy the financial oligarchy, idem. It is already a challenge to maintain relatively balance among both, without fully satisfying anyone, and thus trying to keep up to the end of the term and the succession in the dark. To do so, and still perform the electoral measures to gain popularity and recover strength for a reelection in 2026, it is a challenge that it is difficult to reach every day.
Maybe Luiz Inacio had already advanced last week that “I may not be a candidate” in the next election: it is not for lack of will, but perhaps of conditions.
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For institutional policy there is no barrier to the offensive of the far right, fascist or coupists or the inevitable combination of both. A progressive government, but submissive to a right – wing policy strengthens the social basis of fascists – landlords and foreign domination, genesis of slavery and even current servitude, from the normalization of the denial to the human condition to the poor –, it does nothing more than help, in every way, the far right and fascism. It strengthens it and, additionally, confuses the people’s masses, whom come to see all politicians and political doctrines as identical and, therefore, in the failure of the false left, turn to the opposite extreme force that is electorally viable. Social democracy, in the management of the capital crisis, for the mistake and frustration for the people of the bankruptcy of their rhetoric of democracy, engenders and is the previous step to fascism. This is a law that marked history with blood shed and the horrors of the worst and most heinous crimes of Nazifacism, for at least fifteen years in a row bringing disgrace to the old world in the past century. In semi-colonial and semi-feudal countries like ours, only those are truly anti-fascist who declares war without barracks, in words and acts, to the essential social and economic basis of fascism, the one who finances it, that fosters it socially and ideologically: the latifundium and the international financial oligarchy. Battalions of the anti-fascist cause can only arise from the peasant revolutionary struggle for the conquest of the land to those who live and work it, supported by the city’s popular ranks: workers, students and other honest intellectuals and small owners. The Agrarian Revolution – not the electoral policy of the false left – is the only consistently anti-fascist path, the Revolution of New Democracy and Socialism.
