We publish an unofficial translation of the article of A Nova Democracia found here.
After ratifying his plea bargain on September 9th, the lieutenant colonel of the reactionary Army, Mauro Cid, puts Bolsonaro in even more trouble to get rid of the evidences of his crimes. “Cid will tell you all the facts about Bolsonaro that you ask him”, said his lawyer, Cezar Bittencourt – the same one who in 2017 stated that the allegations benefit “snitches” and “those who betray their partner in exchange for a pity reduction”. Ironically, his words from 2017 are even more current for his current client. To make things worse, on the 12th of September, former candidate for vice general, Braga Netto had his telephone secrecy broken due to an investigation into corruption in the military intervention in Rio de Janeiro in 2018.
The family of the “Captain of the bush”, Bolsonaro, is in uproar. According to interlocutors of the press monopoly, no one in Bolsonaro’s circle knows for sure what Cid will say, and his entire political environment is desperate, fearing being thrown to the lion. In a religious cult, his wife – miraculously transformed into leader of the Liberal Party – cried, called out the name of God in despair, and screamed that her family was being betrayed. This is the summary of the situation of the horrible Bolsonaro clan.
However, the tendency continues to be that he will not be arrested now. Bolsonaro’s bleeding is slow and constant, this is more interest to the forces in dispute than his arrest at this moment. For opportunism, it is useful to have a punching bag to hit every time there is criticism from their government from their own camp; regarding the High Command of the Armed Forces (ACFA), since the situation is this, it is also in the interest of weakening the Bolsonarist leadership in the barracks and among the barracks’ liveries to try to win them back, this time under their absolute command; and on the traditional right, the more Bolsonaro bleeds, the more the possibility opens up of making this “third way” viable and being able to discard Luiz Inácio.
At the center of the military crisis, the ACFA seeks to dissociate itself from Bolsonaro as quickly as possible. However, him and the ACFA are inseparable. Bolsonaro – and Bolsonarism – is the elevation to extremism of the premise and doctrine of the ACFA. Their agitations and preparations for institutional rupture are an elevation to the extremism of the military intervention plan, which the ACFA itself planned after the popular uprisings of 2013. This plan was started from 2015, with its preventative counter-revolutionary offensive. Although they intend to take advantage of Bolsonaro’s bleeding to affirm themselves, the truth is that the ACFA is placed in a very delicate situation with its cohesion shaken. This is exposed by the contradictions between reservist and active generals. The cohesion is shaken between ACFA and most of the troops (ranks and low and medium officers, mostly Bolsonarists). There is no cohesion with the Bolsonaro civilian base disappointed with the “watermelon generals” [Translator’s note: reference used by Bolsonarist to refer to “leftist” generals, because are “they are green outside, but red inside”]; and with the Nation condemn of the Armed Forces in public opinion. There are not much political space for the coup generals to maneuver.
This is the current situation of the political and military crisis of struggle within the local ruling classes and in the current government of the reactionary coalition. The popular masses must take advantage of the division within their exploiters and oppressors to mobilize forces in defense of their rights and for true and new democracy.
Meanwhile, in Chile, the streets are in an uproar due to the 50th anniversary of Augusto Pinochet’s military coup, followed by one of the most bloodthirsty regimes that was established in the subcontinent in those years ago and which lasted 17 years. Gabriel Boric, president of the country, was elected in the wake of the extraordinary days of 2019, manipulating them towards elections and a “new constitution”. After a year in government, the head of the false and opportunist left of the country has to suffer a resounding defeat: the new constituent assembly will, as a result, produce a constitution formulated mainly by a coalition of the extreme right and the civil right. A Constitution that will maintain the essentials of the “Pinochetist constitution”, against which the Chilean popular masses struggle so hard. This is the historical design of opportunism: selling the popular struggle for a plate of beans.