AND Editorial – Although slowly, the Nazi-Zionist is Breaks Down

We share an unofficial translation of the latest editorial by A Nova Democracia.

When more than a thousand soldiers break the hierarchy to sign a manifesto calling on their government to end a war in which they act as an invading force, this is a clear symptom of decomposition within their ranks. This is the internal situation of the Nazi-Zionist military force. The successive military and political defeats, while persisting in one of the most monstrous genocides that history has ever witnessed, are the basis for such unavoidable pessimism among these murderous troops, fed by the blood of children and women in torrents, in which signs of capitulation can be seen even under the brutalizing indoctrination of a Nazi-fascist nature.

However, the Nazi-fascist government of the Zionist entity rejoices that what should have been done 78 years ago is finally being done: the “final solution”! How this Nazi gang and their Zionist Führer Netanyahu deceive themselves! Their dreadful enterprise, incapable of defeating the resistance of the People and the Nation of the Land of Palestine, resorts to the hateful, cowardly, and perverse vengeance that has already been covered in such opprobrium that not all the waters of the world can wash it away, pointing towards the dark grave of their history of oppression.

According to the report presented by the movement “Mothers on the Front,” the reserve enlistment rate has fallen from 95% at the beginning of the Gaza war to 75% currently, while absenteeism rates in some units have reached 50%, with a collapse in the readiness of regular units. The decomposition of the invading front is also occurring among figures linked to the leadership: the former major general of the Israeli Armed Forces and leader of the opposition party “The Democrats,” Yair Golan, has also criticized the course of the war. Netanyahu sees his political weakening; he clings even more to the continuation of the genocide as a lifeline amid the shipwreck towards which his government is heading.

Despite trumpeting that the Resistance is in serious crisis, the truth is different, even for internal sources of the Nazi-Zionist enclave. The Israeli newspaper Walla reported that Israeli military estimates suggest that 40,000 armed fighters are still circulating in the Gaza Strip, relying on an extensive system of tunnels and hundreds of rockets. The Saudi channel Al Arabiya reported in April that Hamas recruited 30,000 fighters for its military organization, the Al-Qassam Brigades.

Regarding Brazil in this matter, the government of Luiz Inácio – which turns a deaf ear to the unanimous call from vast popular and progressive sectors, among which many intellectuals are included, to break relations with the Nazi-Zionist state – is still a target of the Israeli Confederation of Brazil (Conib). The simple critical observation of the current president, that Israel practices genocide, is treated by them as a serious manifestation of “antisemitism.” Its classification can only be that of cowardice: it makes scenes of condemnation of genocide while joining the hysterical outcry of the media monopolies, labeling the heroic National Resistance as “terrorist.” It should break the shameful situation of diplomatic relations with Israel, cancel all business with its companies, and prohibit all state institutions, at the federal, state, and municipal levels, from maintaining any type of relationship with it. The moment when the Brazilian state, for minimal political decency, should have broken diplomatic and commercial relations with Israel has long passed, as well as dissociating itself from the International Alliance for the Memory of the Holocaust, whose qualification of “antisemitic” is, in practice, the condemnation of the criticism of the ongoing Palestinian Holocaust in the Gaza Strip. By not doing so, the current government demonstrates a weakness of principles, a weakness even of those most basic progressive principles that it daily claims to uphold, selling or relegating them to avoid taking action. Those who seek to avoid “crises” at the expense of principles are no longer worthy of claiming them in words, even in the physiological form of being habitual and frequent.

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Speaking of the current government’s lack of minimally sovereign attitude, there is no shortage of examples; the latest scene of cowardice came to light regarding the stance taken in response to the warning sent by the Yankee Department of Justice to the Brazilian Ministry of Justice concerning STF Minister Alexandre de Moraes, threatening to impose sanctions on him. The lack of a strong response frustrated the Brazilian Supreme Court, which considers it “neglect.” Such threats and, if applied, the sanctions are a maneuver of interference by the current Yankee government in national politics to try to interfere politically and legally in national life, particularly regarding the trial of the far-right for the coup attempts led by Bolsonaro; Moraes is merely the focal point, while the entire Brazilian justice system is the blatant target. The government’s silence in the face of this step will result in the next step, in a growing trend of foreign interference aimed at strengthening the far-right. As can be seen, appeasement and conciliation – which seem to be a mania in this government – deepen a dangerous situation for the country.

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Luiz Inácio recently said that “if in 2026 I look as good as I do now, the far-right will not return to power.” However, in reality, the “good-looking” one has an ugly disapproval rating in opinion polls that approaches 60%. Moreover, it is pure bravado to overestimate oneself and underestimate even more the serious international and national crisis situation and the tendency towards extreme reaction.

The polls should not inspire the optimism that is evident. According to the AtlasIntel poll from last week, Bolsonaro would win with 46.7% against 43.9% if the elections were held today; in a second round, Luiz Inácio would also lose to Tarcísio de Freitas and Michelle Bolsonaro. While it is true that the elections are still entirely unpredictable, it is also true that the disapproval of the current government has risen to 53.7%, the highest rate in the series of the poll; compared to January 2024, there has been an increase of more than 9% in disapproval. The scandal of INSS retirement fraud, which began under Bolsonaro’s government and became public during his administration, along with the increase in IOF, has helped to worsen the situation. But this is not the crux of the matter, as disapproval has been growing long before these events. The government is experiencing disapproval typical of a right-wing government because it implements a right-wing program, with a right-wing ministerial composition, in alliances with the right (the same one that was the parliamentary base of Bolsonaro’s military government) and in service of the local and foreign dominant classes, particularly the landowners (“agribusiness”) and their ruralist bench, who are the true owners of the presidential seat. In short, it is the right, and the only argument it offers to the electoral majority that granted it electoral success in 2022 is that such limitations are necessary to prevent the far-right from returning. In reality, as we are witnessing, this is the best service that Luiz Inácio can provide for the return of the far-right, precisely to the presidential seat in 2026.

The defense and conquest of new rights for the people depend on popular struggle and not on palatial negotiations; it is necessary to unmask all those who bow to the terms and deals that bureaucrats and opportunists make in the name of popular struggle, betraying it in its essence. While opportunism appeases the far-right and fascists, they do not cease their preparations for new offensives sooner rather than later: the discovery of the C4 group, a “command to hunt communists, corrupt individuals, and criminals,” involved in the murder of a lawyer and planning to structure an open movement with a name similar to “Broad Right Front Brazil,” is clear evidence of this. Residing in the sewer of society and freely moving within the “immaculate” institutions of this old State, these fascist and terrorist far-right gangs continue to reproduce and operate; they were behind all the coup agitation of 2022 for the re-establishment of the military regime; groups that are at the forefront of attacks against popular leaders and peasant leaders, in the peasant war that is growing in the corners of the country, gangs in the service of the insatiable landowners in the theft of Union lands, from small and medium landowners, indigenous peoples, and Quilombolas, and under their command, certainly supported by certain segments of the reactionary Armed Forces and explicitly linked to the police forces of the states. The revolutionary peasant movement is treated as terrorism, but, for convenience, the media monopolies deliberately seek to conceal their actions and the crimes of killings of their leaders committed by the landowners and police forces, especially regarding the League of Poor Peasants (in fact, the current commander of the Military Police of Rondônia also treats the LCP this way and confessed in a video that he decides not to follow the law regarding the struggle for land). Meanwhile, the far-right gangs, paramilitaries, and gunmen like those of “Zero Invasion” operate with impunity in the physical elimination and destruction of peasant and indigenous areas, as they did again against the Parakanã people in southern Pará. There is no room for illusions; the agrarian revolution confronts the armed landowning fascism in the countryside. Democrats must support the peasant masses, destined to combat fascism, landowners, and imperialist domination as one body. This is the necessity of the order of the day.