AND Editorial: The institutional crisis will not cease

We hereby publish an unofficial translation of the last editorial published by A Nova Democracia.

The messages exchanged by the advisors of the minister Alexandre de Moraes are a new element in favor of Bolsonarism. In them, the advisors reveal, in an informal tone, the “schisms” of the minister with certain Bolsonarist characters, with arbitrary searches of facts to support and provide justification to apply penalties previously defined. The effect expected by Bolsonarism is more political than technical: as the president of the Superior Election Court (TSE), Chief of the Special Advisory of Struggle against Misinformation, and rapporteur of the investigation on fake news, the STF minister had justification and support to act with “police power”. That means to act in an active way (although the legality of such concentration of power, which includes monitoring, investigating and judging, is questionable). But, from a political point of view, things change; objectively, such messages support, for the hordes of “green chickens” [Translator’s note: a way to call the fascists in Brazil], the thesis of political persecution against Bolsonaro and mobilize them.

The appearance of this report is not just a reflection of Bolsonarist interests. There is a deep institutional crisis in the Country, which comes from never-resolved disagreements among the hard core of ideologues from the ruling classes and the establishment, regarding the constitutional role of each institution. The Federal Supreme Court assigns itself the role of conflict regulator and “Moderating Power”, and supports this interpretation by the fact that the 1988 Constitution gives constitutional character to a very large volume of issues; the High Command of the Armed Forces (ACFA) also assigns itself the role of “Moderating Power”, also pointing to the constitution, particularly the article 142, according to which the military is responsible for ensuring the functioning of the constitutional powers and, understanding that it has to control them in critical moments; the National Congress, in turn, has contradictions with both to the extent that they all tend to trample on their duties, but today mainly with the STF. The local press monopolies themselves, as the voice for the most powerful sectors of the ruling classes, have given the commanding voice to put an “enough” to the STF’s offensive action.

This series of reports must be understood in this way, and as the ultimate product of the deep institutional crisis that prevents greater stabilization of the political situation; just as the new stage of the “crisis between the powers”, with the STF’s decision to put an end to “positive parliamentary amendments”.

Feeling that the situation is more favorable to him now, Bolsonaro once again showed himself to the public. He confirmed his presence at the act for the impeachment of Alexandre de Moraes, which will take place on September 7, in São Paulo, in the presence of the pharisee Silas Malafaia and others from the Bolsonarist troops. He also said that the minister has “personal problems” with him. The impeachment, in fact, should not occur, but it is a slogan that, gaining strength, is weakening the position of the STF minister. The main goal of the Bolsonaro far right is, through undermining the legitimacy of the STF, to increase the cost of convicting Bolsonaro for an attempted coup d’état. Perhaps preventing it and, thus, resuming the initiative with the aim of achieving further cohesion and bring to life again the “green chickens” after the blows suffered with the unfortunate Bolsonarada of January 8. In this sense, the failure of the government of opportunism and the traditional right, with its invariable class conciliation and subservience to the “agribusiness” of the Bolsonarist latifundium, helps Bolsonarism even more: the more opportunism fails in the government, to the extent that carries out a right-wing government program, more favors the return of Bolsonarism. After all, if is to be a right-wing government, there is nothing more coherent than Bolsonarism itself assuming this mission. Opportunism, by creating a right-wing government claiming to be “left-wing”, only contributes to ideologically confusing the masses and making them easy prey for eclecticism, which is the ideological form of the most organic sector of the far right: fascism.

However, for the democratic, progressive and people’s forces it is urgent to focus their attention and action to the development of class and combative struggles. The people’s masses, above all, the poor people from the countryside, are under the severe Bolsonarist latifundium offensive, the “Invasion Zero”, as demonstrate the last developments in MS [Translator’s note: Mato Grosso do Sul] and in PR [Translator’s note: Parana], which involve the Guarani-Kaiowa people in their struggle against a paramilitary troop of the latifundium. For them in essence is the same to have one government or another: on the first PT governments, from 2003 to 2015, the death of indigenous peoples increased a 168% due to the further expansion of the agribusiness – in that context did not existed the excuse that the Congress was hostile, since the government had absolute majority in all the legislative houses. This is the social-latifundist base which feed and fund, as it is still funding the Bolsonarist phenomenon, armed by the pampers policy and flatters by the latifundium; this social base continues imposing a reactionary civil war protected by the current “Democratic Rule of Law” against the poor people of the country side and from the favelas and peripheries of the cities, with connivance and contribution by the official troops of the old State. Meanwhile, the palace disputes, whatever there are the involved parts, are not able to change the essence of the situation. The people’s fighters, which still have hope in the scepter of Alexandre de Moraes, must abandon illusions and prepare to the serious struggle.